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In democratic civil society a public intellectual can spark deep conversations aboutdisparities of privilege and power. This brings with it the need to be intentionalabout ethics. The author reviews different roles in which he has been cast where hehas played the role of a "public intellectual". The different hats he has worn includescholar, journalist, paralegal investigator, and leftwing movement activist. In eachcase, there were normative or at least expected ethical boundaries which usuallyvaried by project and sometimes conflicted with other roles. After exploring thedifferent roles and related ethical issues, there is a discussion from a progressiveperspective of basic ethical mandates and tools for building human rights. Anextensive set of references is provided to assist researchers.

In democratic civil society a public intellectual can spark deep conversations aboutdisparities of privilege and power. This brings with it the need to be intentionalabout ethics. The author reviews different roles in which he has been cast where hehas played the role of a "public intellectual". The different hats he has worn includescholar, journalist, paralegal investigator, and leftwing movement activist. In eachcase, there were normative or at least expected ethical boundaries which usuallyvaried by project and sometimes conflicted with other roles. After exploring thedifferent roles and related ethical issues, there is a discussion from a progressiveperspective of basic ethical mandates and tools for building human rights. Anextensive set of references is provided to assist researchers.

The Tea Parties are a right-wing populist movement echoing earlier episodes of white nationalism in the USA. Power elites have encouraged similar counter-subversion panics using populist rhetoric and producerist narratives to enlist a mass base to defend their unfair power, privilege, and wealth. Typically, a large, middle-class white constituency sides with organized wealth as a way to defend their relative and precarious position in society. The blame for economic, political, and social tensions is transferred away from free market capitalism to mythical conspiracies of collectivists, communists, labor bosses, and other scapegoated subversives and traitors. At the same time, defense of unequal racial and gender hierarchies can be mobilized as part of these counter-subversion efforts. Patriots, economic libertarians, Christian dominionists, militia activists, nativists, and ethnic nationalists fit under the Tea Party umbrella in an uneasy coalition ostensibly built around reversing the 'big government' policies of the Obama administration.

AbstractThe emergence of the Tea Party Movement after the election of President Barack Obama is the result of increasing anxieties, fears, and anger in a predominantly White middle class and working class constituency. Starting as a project of elite conservative strategists, the Tea Party movement quickly developed an actual mass base, and turned into the type of right-wing populist movement seen previously throughout US history. This article uses a social movement theory approach to explain the Tea Parties and considers how race, gender, and class dynamics are shifted toward the scapegoating of liberals, people of color, immigrants, and other targets.

Inside Organized Racism: Women in the Hate Movement. Kathleen M. Blee. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002. 272 pp.

As we build the field of Hate Studies we need to scrupulously inspect our own work. Blee and Ferber have already suggested a number of complex questions for scholars to answer. This paper argues that understanding the interrelated dynamics of hate, apocalyptic dualism, institutionalized oppression, and political repression is crucial to increasing the accuracy and effectiveness of our research and answering these questions.

Contends that the variation in ideology & types & degrees of prejudice, supremacy, & oppression are important distinctions to make when examining right-wing movements. Systems of race/gender/class oppression in the hard Right are explored in terms of a dynamic process comprising ideas, acts, & a hierarchical position of dominance that is structural. The Right is divided into the conservative, dissident, & extreme sectors, which all interact. After articulating their commonalities, differences are explored, focusing on the extreme Right, the patriot movement, & the Christian Right. It is concluded that understanding the political Right requires a more sophisticated level of analysis that identifies boundaries, categories, & terminology that delineate differences of degrees; further, systems of oppression based on gender, race, class, & more exist throughout society. 2 Figures. J. Zendejas

Contends that the variation in ideology & types & degrees of prejudice, supremacy, & oppression are important distinctions to make when examining right-wing movements. Systems of race/gender/class oppression in the hard Right are explored in terms of a dynamic process comprising ideas, acts, & a hierarchical position of dominance that is structural. The Right is divided into the conservative, dissident, & extreme sectors, which all interact. After articulating their commonalities, differences are explored, focusing on the extreme Right, the patriot movement, & the Christian Right. It is concluded that understanding the political Right requires a more sophisticated level of analysis that identifies boundaries, categories, & terminology that delineate differences of degrees; further, systems of oppression based on gender, race, class, & more exist throughout society. 2 Figures. J. Zendejas

As we build the field of Hate Studies we need to scrupulously inspect our own work. Blee and Ferber have already suggested a number of complex questions for scholars to answer. This paper argues that understanding the interrelated dynamics of hate, apocalyptic dualism, institutionalized oppression, and political repression is crucial to increasing the accuracy and effectiveness of our research and answering these questions.